Wednesday, September 5, 2007

Protecting the Majority from the Bureaucracy

The design of this country was originally focused on the need to protect the minority from the majority. But in modern bureaucratic democracy, we need, primarily, to focus on protecting the majority from the bureaucracy. The will of the non-ideological majority, and the will of the bureaucracy, steeped in ideology, is often in conflict. The bureaucracy has primarily ideological grounds for claiming hegemony, including the theory of “expertise” which is now mostly defunct along with rationalism and “scientific certainty”. Populism embraces the will and the wisdom of the people and rejects ideology as the genuinely vicious tool of the elite, applied by the modern bureaucrat (including the legislator, the government executive, and the business executive) to induce the state of fear which founds the bureaucrat’s power. There is always something to be extremely afraid of, according to the bureaucrat, if we allow the majority to have its way.

Global warming, and the vision of ecological disaster generally, is a perfect example of bureaucratic ideology, based on the myth of scientific certainty. It is designed to induce the state of fear, and recommend the hegemony of the elite classes, who position themselves as prophets and saviors, and who create and manage the modern bureaucracy. This performance may become so blatant and melodramatic that it can produce our first example: a figure like Al Gore – a bleeding, pleading prophet of doom who implores the majority to crown him with the authority to make it all right.

Some layers of this modern panoply of fear and anxiety are less dramatic than others, but may be even more important to the common man by virtue of controlling the details of his daily existence, in which, in his state of relative innocence, he places great significance and sentiment. The most important example is the significance the common man places in having and controlling his own castle. This control, including the emotional investment in it, is the state-inhibiting characteristic which the left, above all else, hopelessly dreams of rooting out of nature. If it could root this natural craving out of the majority, the state would be in a position to control the totality.

The control of private property is worked out in the most quotidian details of “administrative law”, maximizing bureaucratic discretion and chipping away at the majority’s power which is rooted in private property. The bureaucracy need not publicly destroy the idea of private property. All it has to do is incrementally and steadily reduce the majority’s right to use and dispose of private property as it sees fit.

It makes perfect sense that the ridiculous, but very effective application of this sublime stratagem, would turn up in the very bureaucracy, state by state, which lays claim to protecting the whole -- the environment which subsumes all property both public and private and upon which everything temporal supposedly hangs. The increasingly intrusive regulation of the disposition of private property by departments of natural resources and other departments of the environment is a process that seems morally ordinary, even obvious, but which may be used to incrementally strip the common man of his natural vision – the hisness of what is his; his property as an extension of his body and its moral status as part of him. The common man feels that his control of what is his, no matter how modest his holdings, is holy. The brilliant, diabolical strategy, is to get the common man to worship the environment at his own expense. The left writhes like a demon when impressed by the religious doctrine that the world was made for man. It shrieks from the pain of the constraint on the bureaucracy. The modern bureaucracy is possessed by ideology, having started out, in the first place, vulnerable to this possession by nature. It longs for a rationalized foundation for faith in its own claim to power.

In order to protect the majority from the bureaucracy in the modern regulatory state, the ideology itself must be mocked, dismantled, and defied by the people until the bureaucracy is driven to institutional insanity. This is how we regulate the regulators. We drive them insane. Institutional insanity is the public display of bureaucratic frustration to the point of apoplexy. It is the disintegration of the bureaucrat into a grasping wraith who cannot contain his desperation and is outed as such.

This is exactly what has happened to New York Mayor Bloomberg as he has attempted to impose his own desperate will on other states like Virginia, other mayors across the nation, and every American gun owner and dealer. In fact, this is true of the whole community of bureaucrats, public and private, that long to strip the average American of another dramatic constraint on state power – the common man’s guns. Bloomberg cannot dispel his own illusions of power and privilege, and cannot accept the wholesale rejection of his noblesse. In making it clear that he cannot, in his own mind and in his own wealth, be constrained or contained by the Republican Party, the boundaries of New York City, other states, federal law, the administration, the Second Amendment, the courts, etcetera, etcetera, his claim to the rational position becomes a self-satire. It is the implosion of the bureaucrat whose voice is strung high with the tension of being ignored as he declares the danger that only he can eliminate.

This is how God applies justice to the modern ideological agency and agent. Amen.

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